Somali journalist seeking asylum records refugees' plight in Hong Kong

From Hiiraan

When investigative journalist Maahir and his television crew went undercover into a refugee camp in East Africa to investigate allegations of soldiers raping women, it was the start of a nightmare he has yet to wake up from.
After interviewing the women the soldiers kidnapped them.
"When they found out we were journalists they seized all our gear and took us to a detention centre," Maahir said. "I was blindfolded" and endured 20 days of torture and interrogation.
He said he was given just a cup of milk and a few biscuits every day.
More than a year later, Maahir is now claiming asylum in Hong Kong and has decided to turn his camera on the city's demoralised and downtrodden refugees.
"Many people think of this city as New York - rich with golden opportunities - but it's not," the Somalian said.
"Now I am working on my own project to talk about the real life of refugees and asylum seekers in Hong Kong.
Armed with a digital camera, he said: "I want to share my feelings and other people's experiences because every single picture has a story to tell."
Maahir, 26, said he wanted to keep his identity hidden to protect his family back home. He believes that his captors think he is dead.
His body bears numerous scars and burns, the result, he said, of his 20 days of torture and injuries received while reporting from the front line on battles involving an Al-Qaeda supported Islamic terror cell and the military.
As a stringer for international news organisations, Maahir said local journalists would die for US$100 a day just to get the story for foreign correspondents.
He said he escaped during a skirmish between the military and militants but feared his family could be detained if he returned home.
With the help of an uncle, he paid US$20,000 to escape the country through a network of smugglers. His plan was to seek asylum in the Netherlands, but from Dubai he managed to reach Hong Kong in the belief it was a safe haven.
Confused and not knowing where he was, he fainted going through immigration at Chek Lap Kok airport.
After claiming asylum, he was detained for 107 days at Castle Peak Bay Immigration Centre at Tuen Mun.
"I then started another miserable life," Maahir said.
Upon his release, he was told that he could not work or enrol in higher education.
"I could not do anything. I was not really free," he said.
Maahir asked the officials: "How am I going to live here if I'm not allowed to do anything. What are my rights?
"Being at the immigration centre was better. At least you can eat, you can sleep, but here outside, it's very hard for you to eat even with social welfare food."

Hazardous political environment in Somalia requires activism

As Somalia is facing what can arguably be described as its worst period of insecurity since the era of the Transitional federal government. There is a need to identify the wider underlying issue that is at the root of Somalia's problems. Already into two years after Somalia left the transitional government phase, the country is facing a crisis that has many layers, including but not limited to insecurity and political instability. The six pillar policy that was touted by the then newly elected Hassan Sheikh has all but crumbled. 

It can arguably be said that the situation has worsened on all fronts. The offense against Al Shabaab has halted and AMISOM nowadays spends its valuable time on over stepping its mandate and preventing peaceful public gatherings on private property. Something that is aching to restricting the right to peaceful assembly, which is a basic human right. The recent secretive and bizarre agreement the federal government has made with Ethiopia, has resulted in thousands of Ethiopian troops joining AMISOM and pouring in to Somalia. 

The Somali president has so far shielded himself from public outrage regarding the controversial decision, but there are already signs it can come back to haunt him. Indeed similar sentiments were made by the former US ambassador to Ethiopia, David Shinn. The former American ambassador has publicly called the agreement a "mistake". Mr. Shinn also noted that this agreement was done with the full consent of the Somali federal government, something i suspect was surprising for him. But not for the director of the American National security agency, James Clapper. In a sign of growing frustration, Mr. Clapper publicly termed Somalia's president "weak". Which can be construed as low faith from the American intelligence community and the foreign policy makers.

On the humanitarian front, the situation is as grim as it has ever been. For the third consecutive year, Southern Somalia is facing starvation on a mass scale. This has the potential to reverse fragile gains and torpedo the southern rural population into Mogadishu once again. Which would worsen the current IDP problem. Because not even the internally displaced are safe in Mogadishu. Indeed the increase in sporadic attacks by Shabaab has made the capital so insecure, there has been over hundreds of residents emigrating from Mogadishu just last week alone.

As i previously mentioned, the dilemma of achieving peace and good governance in Somalia is not possible without addressing the underlying issue. That issue is the lack of representation and commitment by those who aspire change in Somalia. To this day, there is almost no politically active parties in the country. I purposely excluded Hiil qaran, a party mainly consisting of intellectuals and moderates. However they are currently not much different from the rest, since they have not bothered to update their party website for the past eight months. 

Somalia in general is rife with political opportunism and one man candidates are far more prevalent than real opposition parties. However, those Somali politicians that do create political parties are only interested in the country when it is election time. Indeed "fake" political parties are usually created in the last months before an election in Somalia. The purpose of such actions is to deceive the domestic public and well meaning diaspora Somalis for funds and publicity. 

We saw this in the elections of 2012, when the then very popular Somali-American politician Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed "Farmaajo" was challenging the incumbent Sheik Sharif for the presidency. Mr. Mohamed saw many political donations and support from Somalis both inside and outside the country, indeed the support for him included Somalis from all backgrounds. Mr. Mohamed recognized this and created his political party "Tayo". However when he along with many other candidates lost to Hassan Sheikh, the political will to transform Somalia abruptly ended. Nothing confirms this more than the now defunct website of the Tayo party. This is a perfect illustration of what i call "short term patriotism".

The recent Puntland elections is another example whereby Faroole the incumbent was facing an opposition consisting entirely of individuals almost unknown to the wider public, excluding clan elders of course. They had no stated positions, nor any prior history in grass roots campaigning for social issues. However the winner of that election was Abdiweli Gaas, a man himself not a member of any political party. As it stands now, Somalia's major political parties, are the main big clans. You don't have to have a plan, ideology or integrity. The most important for them is what clan you were born into and how deep your pockets go. 

If the democratization of Somalia is to happen, true patriots will have to organize and engage with each other both in Somalia and the wider diaspora at the grass roots level. Activism must be embraced by those Somalis who wish to see a change in the homeland. It was the great Philosopher Plato that said, lack of political participation ends in you being governed by your inferiors. My fellow Somalis, let us not be governed by our inferiors anymore.

Ladan Osman’s collection, The Kitchen Dweller’s Testimony, is the winner of the 2014 Sillerman First Book Prize for African Poets.

From the African Poetry Book Fund

The African Poetry Book Fund and Prairie Schooner are pleased to announce that Ladan Osman’s collection, The Kitchen Dweller’s Testimony, is the winner of the 2014 Sillerman First Book Prize for African Poets. Osman will receive a $1000 cash award and publication of her book with the University of Nebraska Press and Amalion Press in Senegal.

“I deeply appreciate this prize,” Osman said after learning of the board’s decision.  “I have so badly just wanted a chance to work, to be apparent to people in life and in poems.  A bunch of things happened in the years spent writing this book: I’m excited to share what came out of those sometimes rough waters, and look forward to connecting to new readers and new communities.”

The African Poetry Book Fund publishes four new titles each year, including the winner of the Sillerman prize and one new volume by a major African poet.

African Poetry Book Fund Series Editor and Prairie Schooner Editor-in-Chief Kwame Dawes praised The Kitchen Dweller’s Testimony, saying that “only the genius of sincerity of voice and imagination can allow a poet to contain in a single poem both consuming gravitas and delightful whimsy. This is what we get again and again from the splendidly gifted poet Ladan Osman. The editorial team of the African Poetry Book Fund was unanimous in selecting her manuscript as winner of this year’s Sillerman First Book Prize for African Poets.”

Osman, whose parents are from the city of Mogadishu in Somalia, has received fellowships from the Luminarts Cultural Foundation, the Fine Arts Work Center, Cave Canem, and the Michener Center for Writers. 

Her work has appeared in American Life in Poetry, Artful Dodge, Narrative Magazine, Prairie Schooner, RHINO, and Vinyl Poetry. Her chapbook, Ordinary Heaven, will appear in Seven New Generation African Poets: A Chapbook Box Set (Slapering Hol Press, 2014). She teaches in Chicago.

Last year’s winner was Kenyan poet Clifton Gachagua, whose collection, Madman at Kilifi, will be published in February 2014.

The Sillerman First Book Prize is named after philanthropists Laura and Robert F. X. Sillerman, whose contributions have endowed the establishment of the African Poetry Book Fund & Series.  The Sillerman prize is awarded to African writers who have not published a book-length poetry collection.  An “African writer” is taken to mean someone who was born in Africa, is a citizen or resident of an African country, or whose parents are African.

The Fund and its partners also support seminars, workshops, and other publishing opportunities for African poets, as well as the African Poetry Libraries Project.  As a partner of the African Poetry Book Fund & Series, Prairie Schooner manages the Sillerman prize.  In addition to Series Editor Dawes, the African First Book Fund editorial board is comprised of Chris Abani, Matthew Shenoda, Gabeba Baderoon, John Keene, and Bernardine Evaristo.

Information about the Sillerman First Book Prize for African Poets is available on the African Poetry Book Fund website, http://africanpoetrybf.unl.edu.  You can also find more about Prairie Schooner at http://prairieschooner.unl.edu or on Facebook and Twitter

UN agency refers to Al Shabaab as "armed group", says offensive against Shabaab is bad for Human rights

As the security situation deteriorates in Mogadishu and the terrorist attacks by Al Shabaab increases, so does the reactions of ordinary frustrated Somalis. The security flaws as well as the the erroneous statements released by the federal government indicates that no major reform will be undertaken by this leadership. The flawed security apparatus remains largely intact. Indeed it seems that in Villa Somalia's point of view, everything is fine and dandy. We should therefore not be

Drugs found aboard Captain Phillips ship

From Reuters:

Drugs were in the room where two former Navy SEALs were found dead aboard the Maersk Alabama, a ship that was the focus of a 2009 hijacking dramatized in the movie "Captain Phillips," a company spokesman said Thursday.

Police from the African island nation of Seychelles have given no cause of death for Mark Daniel Kennedy, 43, and Jeffrey Keith Reynolds, 44. The Americans were security contractors who were found dead Tuesday in a cabin on the ship while berthed in Port Victoria in the Indian Ocean.

"We are saddened by the tragedy and our thoughts are with the family and friends of the deceased men," Maersk Line Ltd. spokesman Kevin Speers said in a statement.

 

Speers said the Seychelles police report includes observations about the presence of drugs and paraphernalia in the room where the two men were found dead, although the type of drug is unknown.

On Thursday, police spokesman Jean Toussaint, noted that officials were awaiting autopsies and said, "As far as I know there is no evidence of physical trauma" on either man's body. Speers said the Maersk Alabama was cleared to leave Seychelles following the onboard investigation and that it is already underway.

The Maersk Alabama is a Norfolk, Va.-based container ship that provides feeder service to the east coast of Africa and employs security contractors to provide anti-piracy services. The two men who were found dead worked for a Virginia Beach, Va.-based maritime security firm, The Trident Group.

In a statement posted on its website, The Trident Group President Thomas Rothrauff said there "is no immediate indication as to the cause of death, but the deaths were not caused by operational activity." Rothrauff wrote that the next of kin have asked that no further information be released and that their privacy be respected.

The Maersk Alabama's owner, the Norfolk, Va.-based Maersk Line Ltd. also has said the deaths were not related to security duties or ship operations. The ship has since left the African port. Speers statement says the company has a zero tolerance policy when it comes to drugs and alcohol, and that based on past experience working with The Trident Group, it believes this is an isolated incident.

Still, the company is responding by requiring reviewing its personnel records to confirm that drug tests and background checks are current, among other things. Speer said The Trident Group will also implement a random drug testing program to increase the frequency it screens security personnel.

The Trident Group was founded by former Navy SEALs and hires former special warfare operators to perform security. On Thursday, the Navy confirmed that Kennedy and Reynolds belonged to the SEALs, an elite unit of the military's special operations forces who are sometimes called upon to combat piracy.

In 2009, Navy SEALs aboard the USS Bainbridge shot and killed three of the pirates who were holding Capt. 

Richard Phillips in a lifeboat, bringing the five-day hijacking standoff involving the Maersk Alabama to an end. The "Captain Phillips" movie starring Tom Hanks as Capt. Richard Phillips was released last year.

Kennedy, whose home of record with the Navy was Baton Rouge, La., enlisted in 1995 and completed his final tour of duty in 2008, according to a summary of his record provided by the Navy. Kennedy was assigned to an East Coast-based special warfare unit, according to the record. Virginia Beach serves as the home of the Navy's East Coast SEAL teams. He had medals for serving in campaigns in Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan.

Reynolds, whose home of record with the Navy was Fountain Valley, Calif., enlisted in 1990. He was assigned to a West Coast-based special warfare unit until he was discharged in 2000. He had won two medals for good conduct while in the Navy.

Former military personnel frequently provide security on board ships sailing through the waters off Somalia to provide security against pirate attacks. Kennedy and Reynolds boarded the ship Jan. 29, Speers said.

The Alabama transports food aid to East Africa in support of the U.S. government's "Food for Peace" program, according to Maersk Line. Crew members also help support the Bee Hive Children's Home in Mombasa, Kenya.

Several crew members who were aboard the ship when it was hijacked in 2009 are suing Maersk Line and Mobile, Ala.-based Waterman Steamship Corp.

Nine crew members in the lawsuit, filed in Alabama in 2012, say they suffered physical and emotional injuries after Somali pirates boarded. Some crew members were held at gunpoint with Phillips; others hid in an engine room.

Comment: Will there be a remake of the movie including this little fact, or does this not fit the narrative?

Mr. President, Turn it Around

From Hiiraan:

When President Hassan Mahmoud took office in Sept 2012, like most of us, I thought finally Somalia will solve at least its most pressing issues: The lack of an accountable government, security, Somalia’s global image, and the economic problem in the country. Of course I wasn’t naïve to believe that these problems will be solved in fifteen-months or in that case in two years; however, I had the cautionary understanding that at least the president will put the foundation for a successful government and strengthen the government’s reach. 

But today it seems like the president is slowly losing everything that his predecessors fought hard to create let alone President Hassan strengthening and building the foundation of a successful country, and I say that as a concerned citizen.

Have you heard of Fetridge’s infuriating law or Murphy’s law? Well, let’s see what these laws state. Fetridge’s law states: everything that is supposed to happen wouldn’t happen when you need them the most. On other hand, Murphy’s law says: everything that could go wrong will go wrong at the worst moment. 

Combine these two laws and you will have a pretty good picture of what’s happening now in Somalia: everything that we hoped to happen isn’t happening, and everything that could possibly go wrong is going wrong in the country.

Take for example Al-Shabaab’s resurgence in Mogadishu. The group has resumed its nighttime mortar shelling of the city which has been absent since Sheikh Sharif was the president and the group withdrew from the city. It has also increased its day light roadside or suicide attacks since President Hassan took office. 

Moreover, the city of Mogadishu has no Internet connection because Al-Shabaab disconnected the Internet network from the city and other parts of the country. It seems like Al-Shabaab is micromanaging the city.

Then there’s the corruption allegations: since this president took office two central bank governors had resigned from the office because of corruption, and the government of Somalia did not investigate these cases. Even the president went to say, according to an interview that he gave to the Financial Times, that he doesn’t understand why the donor nations are worried about “this thing” of central bank when corruption allegations became a public knowledge. In fact this has forced Turkey, which used to give the government $4 million every month, to reconsider this direct funding at the end of last year.

 Probably the president and his advisers underestimated the corruption allegations that they were facing, and thus failed to be proactive and engage public relations to shape the message. In the world of mass media and information war, public perception is the reality regardless if those allegations are unfounded.

Moreover, there’s the name calling. I mean what the diplomats, the spymasters, and opinion makers are saying about President Hassan’s leadership. The director of National Security Agency (NSA) of the U.S. called the president of Somalia “weak” leader not long ago. Remember that the NSA’s director has in his disposal the most sophisticated spy organization in the world to monitor whoever he wishes. 

The British parliament thinks the president isn’t doing enough, and both Somali opinion makers and non-Somalis think the president is losing the control of his government and his message. If you think I am exaggerating this statement look how far the President went to calm down rumors in the media that said last week that the president was “dead,” after senior government official told the world that the president of Somalia went to Turkey to get a medical check-up and to see his family.

 

And then there’s everything else: there’s this group that say the president is centralizing all power around his office: “technocrats including enthusiastic diaspora who have returned to help rebuild their country regularly complain that even low-ranking donor officials go over their heads and refuse to deal with anyone but the president, undermining efforts to build the very institutions donors say they want to exist,” wrote the Financial Times; there’s the political infighting; the lack of economic recovery and plan; still using the 4.5 tribe based political system; a huge cabinet; lack of finances; regional political conflicts; floods, droughts, and drones.

These are all substantial allegations and facts that can’t be ignored.

In fact, all of these shortcomings have the potential to destruct this president’s government, make him one term president, and one of the worst presidents that Somalia had unless he makes

immediate changes that shift instantly and turn around the direction that the country is moving.

These changes should start in the president’s palace. Start firing close advisors that have emotional attachment to the president including public relations people. The president should also fire presidential appointees that head the security apparatus of the country who failed to keep Mogadishu safe and systematically hunt Al-Shabaab. He should ask the prime minister to reduce the 52 ministerial positions to a manageable size focusing more on merit, efficiency and less on tribal demands.

The president should appoint, sincerely, an independent group to investigate corruption allegations, appoint independent central bank governor, and trust the prime minister and his government to do their job by empowering them. He should also cut his abroad travels and focus more on domestic issues such as security, writing the constitution and preparing the country for a national election, minting the Somalia Shilling, and build other governmental institutions.

Most importantly, strong accountability—more public engagement, transparency, proactive governing—and open diplomacy to all nations should accompany these changes. The president should attract people in his inner circle who have diverse views, experiences, educational background, less emotional attachment to his presidency, and care more about moving this country forward. One last thought, it would be imperative the president to act as a referee instead of a player in Somalia politics since he’s the President. 

By: Hassan Mire

Sunday, February 16, 2014

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Main problem facing Somalia's government.

 From Hiiraan:

 I wanted to share with you my observation of  my recent stay in Mogadishu, in regard with  main problems facing the Somalia's government.   There are many problems facing the Somali government but I think the most striking  and observable one , I found, is lack of low and middle ranking qualified human resources. When I say low/middle ranking, I'm referring to any government employee below ministerial  level. Let me explain this.

Any institution in the world, including governmental institutions, relies  heavily  on the low/middle rank officers to carry out its day-to-day duties properly.

In the government's case, it is the policemen/women, army soldiers, tax officers, immigration officers and civil servants that carry out the actual government duties. The top government officials are mainly to manage, direct  and set  the vision and strategies.  Top level officials also make sure their subordinates perform and be accountable. It is low/middle level officers in each department that carry out the actual tasks. Low/middle level personnel are at the heart of the institution.

Unless Somali government improves the quality of rank-and-file members, the top guys including the president and council of ministers cannot make the government function as government. It is specially very important in the security sector. They need to hire people with good personal, mental and physical quality,  giving priority to those with at least high school education for police and national security. Good behaviors should be enforced including  khat/drug-free policy.

If you look at the people who are currently employed by the government specially those in uniform, you can definitely see why the government is  never  able to function as a government. Majority of the so-called Somali police and military  seems to be from the worst   in the society.  What really shocked me was not their ungodly and common criminal behaviors but  their  extreme vulnerability to their enemies; their lack of basic survival thinking and threat assessment. Forget about protecting the population or enforcing the law,  I called them “hilib meel saran”. 

Their lives are cheaper than the notorious flies of Mogadishu. They never learn from their deadly mistakes. They repeat the same deadly mistake day-after-day.  They destroyed the reputation of positions they hold. I'm talking about the majority of them.

The relationship of Mogadishu population with Al-shabaab is one of hate and extreme fear. But people’s relationship with the police and military is one of contempt and disgust.  People in Mogadishu call military/police personnel as "Calal Uus ( people with filthy garments)". This name came about during Ethiopian invasion, referring to those who were in government uniforms and  were working with Ethiopians. That name stuck with police and military. 

For these reasons, it is hard to find anybody in Mogadishu,  who is  known to have some decency in society,  applying for a job in the police and military department. As a result  of this bad reputation, people who are seeking or currently occupying  these positions are the worst in the society.

To give  you a real example that shows the bad reputation of police and military,  there is a cousin of mine who finished high school and qualified to sit for some Turkish scholarship exam. Some time after the exam, he  went to the exam office and he was given  a package. His initial excitement turned into disappointment when he  found out the package contained an offer of two-year scholarship in police academy in Turkey. He ripped the letter apart and threw it away!

When I was told what he did, I was surprised at the opportunity squandered and asked him why he did that? He said "I did not go to school to become ‘Calal Uus' ". Some people may think this guy could be al-shabaab sympathizer but I know he is not.

This gives you a hint of how low people think of such important and crucial jobs as becoming police officer, an army officer or regular civil servant! National Security Service has slightly better reputation that the police and military because they are mostly unknown  to the population.

In contrast with the government, when you go to offices of one of  the private businesses in Mogadishu, you will find reasonable and  well-mannered young people working there. Now,  try going to a government office and you will be so sad-stricken at quality of the people who are there! In every way you look at it, people  who fill in low/middle rank  government offices are the worst in the society! 

Take the airport, for example;  there are two types of Somalis you will find  working at  the airport;  people who  work for  different airlines and people who work for the government such as police, immigration officers, military and tax officers.    The people who work for the airlines are reasonable and professional.  But is hard to describe  the appearance and  manners of those who claim to be government employees.  The question I asked myself was why the government is not able to find people who are at least as good as the ones who are working in the private sector? Isn't  same pool of people available for both private and government sectors.

Until the government improves its reputation, attracts and employs those normal and reasonable young people as the ones working in the business sector, things will not improve from the top!

In my opinion, all  meagre resources of the government should be directed addressing this issue.

Another phenomenon that I observed  is that  people with degrees, who  are looking for jobs in the government sector,  want to start from the top. Every one wants to be a be a minister, MP or ambassador! It is highly likely, in a normal situation, this guy/girl is not even qualified to be director/manager or even an officer, let alone a minister or MP!

We need to find a way to make serious people start from the bottom.  Both in government and corporations, most high ranking officials started from the bottom and climbed their way up the ladder in many years of service. Nobody starts from the top! 

By:  Nour  Omar

Wednesday, February 19, 2014

A nationalist’s view of Ethiopia’s involvement in AMISOM

 From Hiiraan

David Shinn is not a Somali citizen, but his recent remarks on the official involvement of Ethiopia in the African Union’s peace-keeping mission in Somalia make him sound as though he was speaking for diehard Somali nationalists. In an interview with the Voice of America the former American ambassador to Ethiopia said: 

“I think this is a mistake particularly if Ethiopian forces are expected to go beyond the immediate Ethiopia/Somalia border area. Everyone knows that they have been crossing the border into Somalia for some time now confronting al-Shabaab forces or any hostile forces for that matter…. But by joining AMISOM, this I think is going to revive the Ethiopian intervention more broadly in Somalia that they engaged in from the very beginning of 2007 through January of 2009, particularly their engagement in Mogadishu. And that did not end well…My fear is that it is going to revive those kind of concerns and the historical enmity between Somalia and  Ethiopia and give another sort of rallying cry to Al Shabaab for recruitment purposes…..”

Anyone who reads his statements regardless of whether they are qualified historians on Somali history or committed nationalists can clearly see how the American diplomat grasps the fundamental flaw in allowing Ethiopian forces to join AMISOM. This mistake, as he describes it, is deeply embedded in the history of the two nations, which is marked by centuries’ old animosity and bloodshed due to religious differences and territorial grievances. The history often hurts Somalis more than Ethiopians.

Indeed, after two wars, Somali nationalists have yet to come to terms with the loss of the Ogaden region, one of the missing territories as envisioned by Somali nationalist. Those Somalis old enough to remember know how Somali nationalists were proud of their efforts in liberating their brethren from the Ethiopian colonialism, which effectively took place under Emperor Menelik’s reign with the support of European colonial powers. 

They also know that their dream of liberating the region was denied by the intervention of a powerful superpower, the former Soviet Union and its allies in the 1977 war.  Indeed, it was not Ethiopian or even African forces, which defeated the Somali National Army, but the combined forces of the former Warsaw military power.

The above recount of the 1977 war and its humiliating defeat stirs strong emotional tantrum to most Somalis who were 15 years of age before the collapse of the central government in 1991. Despite their current deep divisions and their narrow political ambitions, “old” Somalis, if I am allowed to use that term, would always remember how their country was proud to at least have tried to liberate their brethren from the clutches of an historical enemy, although the campaign did not succeed.

It was, among other causes, the loss of national pride suffered by a proud nation which ultimately led to entrenched and oppressive dictatorship and finally to the collapse of the central government in 1991 and subsequent murderous civil wars. 

Although Ethiopia has never shied away from intervening in Somalia’s internal affairs by manipulating different stakeholders, it was in 2006 when Ethiopian forces invaded Somalia under the flimsy pretext of  president George Bush’s global “war on terror”.

The  military adventure deeply divided Somalis who felt humiliated by the experience.  For the first time in history, Ethiopian forces erected an Ethiopian flag on the broken Republic’s capital city by the barrel of the gun. Some analysts even interpreted the invasion as part of Ethiopia’s determination to annex Somalia to its multi-ethnic empire.

Somali nationalists and intellectuals across clan spectrum inside and outside the country opposed the invasion and established their own political and media organisations. As far away as Europe and North America, they stepped up their campaign against the occupation, expressing their anger through poems, songs, and of course by the barrel of the gun for those inside the country.  

Atrocities and war crimes committed by the invading forces are written in history books and in the reports of international human rights organisations. Therefore, there is no need to repeat them here. 

The ill-advised military intervention has failed to dismantle all terrorism structures, and in contrast has created newly invigorated and formidable national resistance movements in which Al Shabaab became the elephant in the room! Ironically, right now Ethiopian forces are being sent again to Somalia to fight the same monster they helped create in 2007! What a fallacy!! 

It is only appropriate and right to mention here how Abdirazak Hagi Hussein, former prime minister, who passed away in this month, opposed the invasion at the time. He spoke for nationalists just as the American diplomat seems to speak for Somali nationalists at this moment in time. As an icon of Somali nationalism, he must have felt humiliated and angry by seeing historical enemy, which he fought against it, to occupy the country he once led. 

Indeed, it was just after a few months of the invasion that Aden Abdulle Osman, the first Somali president, another nationalist hero passed away.  Exactly as the former president died just after the 2006 invasion, the former prime minister passed away in this month just after the announcement of Ethiopia’s official involvement in AMISOM. 

Although old age and ill-health must have contributed to the death of these great nationalists, mixed feelings of humiliation, anger, sadness and betrayal triggered by Ethiopia’s never ending military interventions in their country might have rendered the two leaders heart-broken men who were fed up of seeing the same scenario played in their beloved country again and again. And who would not have felt the same when the nation you have created is being invaded and broken up by a ruthless enemy, which would do any thing to further its national interest.

In conclusion, the UN Security Council resolution number 1725 adopted in 2006 has made it clear that front-lime states, including Ethiopia and Kenya, should not be included in any peace-keeping forces in Somalia. This is the wisdom that the international community should adopt as its guidelines when attempting to end Somalia’s ugly civil wars. 

by: Muuse Yuusuf

Sunday, February 16, 2014

UN warns of 'grave' food shortage in Somalia

From Al jazeera: More than 850,000 people are in desperate need of food and a further two million are considered "food insecure". More than 850,000 people in Somalia are in desperate need of food and are living "in crisis and emergency conditions", the director of UN humanitarian operations has said. John Ging, who just returned from a three-day visit to Somalia, said on Wednesday that another two million Somalis out of a total population of 10 million were considered to be "food insecure". "These figures are very, very large," he told a news conference at the UN headquarters in New York. "They tell us a simple message which is that the situation in Somalia for Somalis on the humanitarian side is very grave. It's also very fragile." Ging said the UN World Food Programme's Food Security and Nutrition Analysis Unit reported this month that 857,000 Somalis were in acute crisis conditions and required urgent humanitarian assistance. This is "a modest improvement" from the previous six months when 870,00 0 Somalis desperately needed food, he said. In recent years Somalia has made some strides in security and governance, particularly since August 2011, when al-Shabab fighters were forced out of the capital, Mogadishu. But the rebels have not been defeated and the government controls only small parts of the country and is struggling to keep a grip on security and battle corruption. The food security unit said a majority of needy people have been displaced from their homes, largely as a result of fighting, insecurity and lack of food.         The UN appealed for $933m for the humanitarian crisis in Somalia this year, but Ging said so far it had received only $36m. In 2011, the UN appeal for Somalia was 86 percent funded, but in 2013 it was just 50 percent funded, he said.

'Last Hijack' Combines Animation & Documentary Filmmaking To Tell Personal Somali Pirate Story

From indiewire :

 Another contribution to the evolving "Somali Pirate" movie canon.

This one is a documentary titled Last Hijack, described as a journey into the world of a Somali Pirate from his POV, exploring how and why he came to live that particular kind of life. That's certainly encouraging - that the filmmakers opted to tell the story from the point of view of a Somali man, instead of the expected and typical opposite. The film is also somewhat unique thanks to its combining animation (for sequences involving dreams, memories, and fears) with documentary filmmaking (for scenes documenting everyday life) hybrid approach in exploring how one Somali pirate named Mohamed, came to live such a dangerous existence.

Here's more:

Somalia is the worldwide capital of piracy, and Mohamed is one of Somalia’s most experienced pirates. But in his homeland, a failed state, Mohamed is just another middle-aged man trying to make ends meet. Far removed from the glamour and adventure of the pirates of books and movies, Somali pirates face increasing scrutiny and stigmatization both at home and abroad. Now Mohamed is engaged and both his parents and his in-laws pressure him to change his ways before the big wedding day. Mohamed senses that the golden age of piracy may be coming to an end, and with pressure mounting to provide for his loved ones, he must decide whether to risk everything for one last hijack.

Directed by Tommy Pallotta & Femke Wolting, and produced by Wolting and Bruno Felix, the film made its world premiere at the Berlinale this month, and will next screen at the SXSW Film Festival next month.

Check out its trailer below:

Ending FGM, a poem by Warsan Shire

From Spread the word :

Warsan Shire, Young Poet Laureate for London, author of 'Teaching My Mother How to Give Birth' (flipped eye, 2011) is a writer, educator and editor based in North West London. As a young woman growing up in London, she found peace and happiness in libraries and with words. Her poetry has garnered her an international reputation, performing poetry in Italy, North America, South America and Kenya as well as the UK. Her poems have been published in Wasafiri, Magma and Poetry Review and in the anthology The Salt Book of Younger Poets (Salt, 2011). In 2013, she won the inaugural Brunel University African Poetry Prize. On National Poetry Day in October 2013 she was awarded with the Young Poet Laureate for London honour by Carol Ann Duffy, national Poet Laureate. See Warsan read the first poem Girls.

Girls

1
Sometimes it's tucked into itself, sewn up like the lips of a prisoner.
After the procedure, the girls learn how to walk again, mermaids with new legs, soft knees buckling under their new stainless, sinless bodies.

2
Daughter is synonymous with traitor, the father says. If your mother survived it, you can survive it, the father says. Cut, cut, cut.

3
On a reality TV show about beauty, one girl exposes another girls’ secret. They huddle around her asking questions, touching her arm in liberal concern for her pleasure. Can you even feel anything down there? The camera zooms into a Georgia O’Keefe painting in the background.

4
But mother did you even truly survive it? The carving, the cutting, the warm blade against the inner thigh. Scalping. Deforestation. Leveling the ground. Silencing the devils tongue between your legs, maybe you did? I’m asking you sincerely mother, did you truly survive it?
5
Two girls lay in bed beside one another holding mirrors under the mouths of their skirts, comparing wounds.
I am one girl and you are the other.

-Warsan Shire

Federal parliamentary delegation heads to Iran

 From goobjoog :

Some members of Somalia federal parliamentarians are in Tehran, capital city of Iran to participate in the 9th inter parliamentary union for organization of Islamic cooperation (OIC). The inter parliament union (IPU), was founded with the membership of some 52 Islamic parliaments established for close cooperation with 22 international organization.

As reported over 25 parliament speakers, 10 vice-speakers, and 50 parliamentary delegations are to participate in the 9th Meeting of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Inter-Parliamentary Union in Tehran.

The first three days of the meeting is to be held at the level of experts and the Muslim world parliament speakers will take part in the event in the last two days.

Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameron, Chad, Ivory Coast, Djibouti, Gabon, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Indonesia, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Lebanon, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Morocco, Mozambique, Niger, Oman, Pakistan , Palestine, Senegal, Syria, Tajikistan, Togo, Turkey, Yemen, Algeria, Comoros, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, Uganda, the UAE, Sudan, Somalia, Kyrgyzstan and Libya are the countries which have so far confirmed their presence in the OIC parliamentary.

  

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation, formerly Organization of the Islamic Conference, was established in 1969 and has 57 members. The organization aims to promote dialogue between Islamic countries and the rest of the world and also protect the interests of Muslims when necessary. The OIC Parliamentary Union has 53 members.

The UN Monitoring group's hostility towards Somalia is part of a greater agenda

 From Mareeg:

The UN’s Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG)’s latest 14-pages report said, “Arms for Somalia were diverted to militias and systematic abuse by officials happened after loosening of embargo has allowed diversion of weapons to armed groups including Al-Shabaab”. The report also recommended the reinstating of the arms embargo on Somali. I wonder if that was aimed at making sure that the current Somali government not to be able to build its army and remain weak, so that they will always need the AMISOM’s stay in their country indefinitely.

To start with I am not actually surprised with the latest report of the UN’s Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG), because they just have done what they were doing for the past couple of years in a consist manner. 

They were publishing, and mostly leaking to the media “on purpose” reports that were aimed at the destruction of the image, reputation, integrity and trustworthiness of the Somali Central Government, so that the International community will be shocked, and disgusted with it, will not take them seriously, will not pledge any financial support and will not trust them with any Military support to help them build their country. Somalis who love to see their country stand on its feet know this fact very well. But the sad reality is the immense effect of the UN’s Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG) reports. 

They normally leak to the biggest International main stream media, so that there will be around clock news coverage, analysis and discussions of the matter & its shock-waves while it’s broadcasted live around the world. It is also read in the UN sessions. This is an immense damage seriously to the Somali people.

These SEMG reports come periodically, and they only get worse. The man who masterminded the biased style and content of those reports with clear vision and mission of destroying the Image, reputation, integrity and trustworthiness of the Somali government is called Matthew Bryden. He is “Married” to a Somali woman from the Isaq clan of the unrecognized but self-declared state of Somaliland in the northern part of Somalia. 

They have three kids together. He is a Canadian citizen and a former military officer in the Canadian army, but is also a citizen of a [country] he recognizes called: Somaliland. He proudly says that he has “The Somaliland passport”-That for sure makes his [girlfriend] of three kids happy, but I am not sure if he uses that passport for his international travels-. He is member of “The International Recognition of Somaliland Group”. He is the man who has written The “Banana Test”: is Somaliland ready for recognition? and Rebuilding Somaliland: Issues and possibilities. He also co-authored a book called: Disarming Somalia: lessons in stabilization from a collapsed state and many more biases materials campaigning for the dismantling of Somalia in support of Somaliland International recognition. In order to know more about the man kindly read Nomination of Somalia’s Secessionist’s Poster Boy, Matt Bryden by Said A. Saryan.

He has publicly said, “The more the south-central regions of Somalia remain in a bad shape, the more that will give great chance to the International Recognition of Somaliand”. 

In 2012 a report by the UN’s Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG) was leaked accusing the former President of Somalia Sharif Sheikh Ahmed of corruption and Ahmed responded in July by saying Bryden was “Against peace in Somalia” That summer Bryden was no longer with the UN. He was fired from his post as the Coordinator for the UN’s Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea (SEMG) which he served four years from 2008-2012. 

He is now a Director at a Somaliland think tank, Sahan Research, but his old teammates are still running the UN’s Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG) with the same Philosophy of fighting against any Somali strong viable central Government. To show you the Witch-hunt behavior of the SEMG, there was a huge scandal relating to the construction of the Hargeisa airport and how the millions of Dollars from the Gulf countries intended for its construction were pocketed by the most senior politicians of the Somaliland administration. But things like that didn’t come in the group’s report and it won’t come in it at all. You ask yourself, why? Because there is something called: “Conspiracy of Silence”.

The group’s key officially job is to monitor and inform the UN about the Arms Embargo, but the unofficial one is to destroy the Image, reputation, Integrity and trustworthiness of any Somali Central Government Internationally through these periodic baseless, highly fabricated and mostly leaked to the media reports, giving no evidences whatsoever, and not even allowing the people accused of all these horrible alleged crimes a chance, so that how they defended themselves against those unproven accusations will not appear in the report. 

We learned an International law that says, “Innocent unless proven guilty”, the SEMG literally changed it upside down and made it “Guilty without proven Guilty”. But the worst of all is the weak response that they are always met with by the Somali Central Government. The Central government doesn’t attack the group itself, the way they constantly attack it. They don’t hold well publicized International Press Conferences about those alleged accusations. 

They don’t respond with an aggressive campaign against the SEMG, its leaders and their aims, the report itself and at last the unprofessional way it’s done, so that they will be exposed internationally and the world will know them. Instead the government talks strongly to the local Somali Media mostly websites, few radio stations and fewer local TVs, and when asked by the international media about these reports their response is often very weak.

The people who contribute to these baseless reports are the enemies of the Somali State and its nationhood in general. Some of these people are locals; they include the infamous “Nairobi Group” who call themselves undeservedly [KOOXDA SAMATABIXINTA], but Somalis branded them with a better name [KOOXDA QASWADAYAASHA!] known for their highly biased critic and relentless daily attacks on the current central Government of Somalia led by H. E. President Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud. 

These elements are hungry for power, money and positions, and since they were not given by the current government, they give any willing party whatever possible that can tarnish the image of the current government, or can even bring an international revolution against it and its leaders. Their objective is very clear. If they are not getting what they want, they are more-than happy to see the whole government collapse catastrophically.

The forefront leaders of this Group include: Former PM Prof. Ali Mohamed Gedi, Former PM & Current [President] of the local administration of Puntland: Dr. Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gas, Former PM Prof. Ali Khalif Galeyr, former PM Omer Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, former Presidential candidate Dr. Abdirahman Badio, former Defense minister Prof. Gandi, former journalist turned politician: Yusuf Garaad Omer, and so on. They are the main source of this kind of reports done by the UN’s SEMG year after a year.

 

There are other groups who are campaigning against the current central government on the bases of tribal politics and its philosophy. The forefront of this group are: The Puntland Administration Led by Dr. Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gas who believes if the President does go to them [Majerten], the premiership must, and since the two Prime ministers of the current government came from Gedo region [Marehan], President Hassan must go to hell for doing so. The other group is the new Kenyan formed-As its buffer zone- administration of Jubba, known internationaly as the Kenyan initiative, formerly known as Azania and led by Ahmed Madobe who is a former Al-Shabaab Millia Commander. 

There is tribal alliance between the two administrations, united to brand the whole central government as a tribal one [Hawiye], although the later one is used by the first. They call the central Somali government tribal names such as: The Mogadisho/Hamar government brainwashing the poor and mostly uneducated people of Somalia, that the Somali Federal Government is a Hawiye government and not a government for all Somalis, although the Prime minster, the speaker of the Parliament, the minsters, the deputy minsters, the leaders of the Somali Armed Forces such as: The Police, the army and Intelligence, the Somali ambassadors abroad and their Embassy staff, as well as all the people in the government services are from all Somali tribes, even the Somali Parliament is shared among all Somali tribes, but most of our people are sadly very Poor, illiterate. It is all about what the leader from their tribe tells them orally, supported by the emotional trauma of the long civil war that damaged the unity, trust and cohesiveness of our people. 

The politicians know this very well and fully take advantage of it for their personal, political and financial gains. They all believe “In order to achieve their aims and objectives, they just have to turn everything tribal”, and they will get people who are ready to spent all they got, and are even ready to die for it, without asking anything personal in return.
 

The other group that contributes to these types of reports done by The UN’s SEMG are the International Organizations that eat mercilessly over a $1Billion/year in the five star hotels of Nairobi-Kenya. They destroy on their lavish life style money that was supposed to go to the poor and suffering people of Somalia. 

Money that was intended to significantly change the infrastructure of the country, and the humanitarian situation of our Somali people who have gone through 23-years of civil war, and its devastating consequences. Money that could make a huge difference in the lives of millions of our people for good, but never reached and will never reach as long as these organizations are spending in lavish parties in Nairobi clubs and five star hotels, holidaying in the best parts of the world, and making millions out of it. 

Let alone the high ranking officers of these so-called International Organizations, the lower ranking Somali officers who are used for the purpose of sending them to the field, especially the most dangerous Al-Shabab controlled parts of the country, marry four wives, drive the best cars in town, and have got multiple huge houses of their own in different towns and parties of the country, although their formal salary might be less than one thousand Dollars. You ask yourself how?
 

The only Somali leader who knew what these corrupt so-called International organizations in Nairobi were/are doing to his country & people, and was brave enough to at least try to challenge these thugs was our patriotic former prime minister H. E. Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed “Farmajo”, but sadly suffered a heavy defeat when these organizations who actually felt threatened collaborated with both local and international enemies of Somalia, and successfully got rid of him. 

To this day it remains a harsh lesson to all Somali leaders to never try to challenge them; otherwise they will automatically be thrown from the window disgraced. That is why our leaders don’t even talk about them; let alone challenging them practically in a significant way.
 

You don’t have to forget the neighboring countries especially “Ethiopia and Kenya respectively” that are old enemies of Somalia and its Nationhood, that are now highly threatened by the positive and progressive changes that are happening in Somalia with the help of the Turkish government, its humanitarian organizations, The AMISOM forces, and the International Community at large. 

Ethiopia and Kenya will be more than happy to contribute anything small or big that might help blackmail, set up, frame, and ultimately destroy the image, integrity, reputation, trustworthiness, and even existence of any Somali Central government. They are determined at all cost to make sure that Somalia remains in ashes for the next 100 years and even more. They want Somalia to remain divided in to a “Mini-Tribal-States” with the justification and excuse of the so-called federal system concocted in Mbagathi-Kenya were Ethiopia put in to Power their longtime puppet, former president Col. Abdullahyu Yusuf Ahmed, their plan [the so-called federal system] was aggressively pursued by Former Prime minister and current [President] of Puntland: Dr. Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gas and is still fighting its proxy war.

In order to achieve the vision of these two neighboring countries, Ethiopia and Kenya have to be the ones that will successfully be playing the Chess on the destiny and honorable existence of the Somali State at all cost. Ethiopia has now two local administrations that it helped build and are more loyal to it than to the interests of the Somali Nation. These are: Somaliland and Puntand. Mbagathi-Kenya. Speaking before the Ethiopian parliament on 18 May 2013, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said “We will spare no expense to defend and protect Somaliland.” Ethiopia is also in the process of making its third one in Baidoa, while Kenya has built one for itself called Jubba. Who knows when they will succeed doing the same in the entire country?

Although it is a fact that all these evil forces are all working against the Current Central Government for those above mentioned different reasons and objectives, but the Somali Central government’s actions are also not helping either. 

The most damaging at all are the political in fights and the way the current President and his team of Damjadid dealt with the former Prime minster H.E. Abdi Farah Shirdon Sa’id, the $11-million from Qatar that was used in the corruption and dirty game of getting rid of him, as well as the illegal and unlawful mechanism followed such as denying his right of defense in the parliament, in addition of allowing some of his cabinet members to campaign against him just to oust him, the resignation of the former governor of the Somali central bank. Yusur A.F Abraar and her letter of resignation with its damaging contents which was widely published. 

Not to mention the deteriorating security situation of the capital and the lack of action against Al-Shabaab in the areas of the country where they control, with their relentless campaigns of bombing and targeted assassinations of the Somali Intellectuals who are the eyes and ears of the Ummah, with uncountable innocent bystanders in the south-central regions of the country. 

In addition to that all are the crisis that resulted from the replacement of both senior military and intelligence figures that were actually performing well, but were sucked for whatever reasons, and are now very upset with the current administration such as: Dhagabadan, Sheekhuna, Ahmed Fiqi and likes. 

All of that will help the frustration of the people; will increase the enemies and people that will say all sorts of things about the current central government. THAT is what the UN’s Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG) are good at targeting, collecting and reporting their lies, without sharing any reliable documents as evidence authenticating their accusations and allegations against individuals in the central government and the government itself in general, not to mention their biased way of reporting and denying any chance to those accused in order to defend or at least clarify claims and accusations against them.
 

IN CONCLUSION

Unless the current Somali central government takes this relentless campaign of the UN’s Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG) against it seriously, it will continue devastating its trustworthiness, image, reputation, and any chance of support and collaboration from the International Community. Allahuma Ballagtu!

By: Abdulkadir Mohamed Osman, “Abdiboqor”
Deputy Dean & Fulltime Lecturer
Faculty of Finance and Administrative Sciences (FFAS)
Al-Madinah International University, Malaysia

Comments: The parts were the author is mentioning clan names is just over simplifying the situation in my opinion. However the article is generally correct in regards to the foreign and domestic groups conspiring against Mogadishu.

Turkey denies cutting off cash aid to Somalia

From Hurriyet

The Turkish government has made it clear the direct cash aid it provided to the Somali government in the second half of 2013 was handed over to their counterpart appropriately, underlining that it has been working in order to offer similar aid within this year too.

“In accordance with the Somali president’s request, along June-December 2013, a monthly cash budget support has been provided to Somalia by our country in order to make a contribution to the urgent budget needs of the Somali Federal Government,” the Turkish Foreign Ministry said in a written statement released on Feb. 16.

'Intentional news reports'

The ministry noted it released such a statement upon “intentional” news reports that may lead to “wrong interpretations” concerning Turkey’s assistance to Somalia.

“Since there are no banking services in Somalia, the said cash budget support was transported to Mogadishu through a courier and was handed over to the Somali Federal Government by hand by our embassy in Mogadishu, in line with procedures,” the ministry said.

Ankara’s statement was prompted by news reports that said Turkey had stopped direct budgetary support to Somalia. A Turkish Foreign Ministry official told Reuters direct budget support payments stopped at the end of 2013.

“The necessary information regarding the cash budget support to Somalia has been shared with the international community from the very beginning. As a matter of fact, our cash budget support took place in the budget information published by the Somali Federal Government,” the ministry said.

“Within the framework of our comprehensive assistance strategy for Somalia, our efforts are underway to provide budget support to the Somali Federal Government in the year 2014, too,” the ministry said, unlike what the Turkish Foreign Ministry official, speaking anonymously with Reuters, said earlier.

When asked whether there were plans to restart payments in 2014 or whether talks were taking place over resuming direct budget support, the Turkish official told Reuters in Ankara, “We have no such plans at this stage. It is not on our agenda.”

The ministry statement openly reflected Ankara’s disappointment as it expressed “sadness over efforts of devaluating its activities that have been admired by the Somali people and the international community” through such ill-intended news reports.

Comment: Why did the media run around with such information without properly verifying the matter with the Turkish government? I believe there are political efforts to isolate Mogadishu, and it seems baseless lies are the preferred tactic.

Myths about Federalism in Somalia

Comment: An excellent analysis written by Mohamed M Uluso. Make sure to read it all.




From Hiiraan. 

In the context of Somali political culture and discourse, it should be clear by now that the meaning of the principle of “federalism in Somalia” is completely different from the one of political power decentralization for governance explored in the legal and political literature. The Somali federalism legitimizes territorial allocation for “clan ownership or dominance” and it does not recognize “the concept of citizenship” adopted in the provisional constitution. 

This allocation of territories to specific clans is having far reaching negative implications on the political and security stability, socio-economic development, and resource sharing and distribution among “citizens.” The efforts of the international community to enforce the conflict-ridden federalism in Somalia with the tweak of appealing for democratic values and constitutional rights are patently hypocritical.

Not surprisingly, federalism in Somalia is hitting rock-bottom for new challenges. Some of the challenges include:

(1) New Puntland strategy of claiming an equal footing with the federal government as a regional and national power center.  President Abdiweli M. Ali included in his new Cabinet ministers from clans not formally constituent stakeholders of Puntland state.

(2) Continuation of Jubbaland crisis on multiple fronts (escalating assassination of prominent personalities and widespread clan based human rights violations, President Ahmed Madobe refusal to engage the federal government as a party not as a leader, and the six regions conference in Baidoa, etc.);

(3) Hawiye’s scramble to create four federal member states with the center in Mogadishu; This will fundamentally alter the federal government’s raison d'être.

(4) The brazen foreign dictates in display in Baidoa where AMISOM forces ordered the closure of over a year-long conference on federal member state of six regions while they supported a new conference for federal member state composed of three regions. The UN special representative for Somalia, Nicolas Kay, issued a bias statement after AMISOM forces opened fire to disperse an angry citizens protesting against the closure of the conference (video). 

As replay of 2013 Jubbaland fact finding mission to kismaio, the African Union, IGAD, and UNSOM are sending a fact finding mission to Baidoa to support the three regions group and accuse the supporters of the six regions as spoilers since all organizations member of the mission endorsed Jubbaland state which comprises three regions claimed by Digil and Mirifle. The federal government has forfeited or been deprived of the representation and leadership role of Somalia affairs.

Many myths propagated in defense of federalism in Somalia became entrenched and hard to countervail. Some scholars and journalists continue to repeat the misleading myths about centralism, distrust, and agreement on federalism.

 The recently published briefing of the United Nations Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN) titled “Can Federalism work in Somalia?” tried to reflect the divergent views on federalism without critical analysis of some of the pro federalism assertions or without pointing out the danger and unconstitutionality of the current UN led state formation process with no political and legal foundations. The briefing failed to mention that Somalis, for the restoration of the Somali nation-state from 2000 Arta Conference in Djibouti to 2012 Conference in Mogadishu, did agree only on the distribution of power on the basis of clan formula (4.5) representation rather than on any other method. Notwithstanding of those observations, the briefing explicitly reiterated that “Somalis disagree about whether federalism is a recipe for sustainable peace–and even whether such a system is practicable.” Therefore, the next logical move is a genuine national dialogue on the issue.

The specter of centralism

The Military regime of Mohamed Siad Barre is presented as an example for the danger of centralism and necessity for federalism. It is true that the military regime concentrated the power of the state in the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC). But the regime has created national, regional, and district bodies, and passed laws for the purpose of bringing the government closer to the people for public participation in the political, development, and security discussion and decision making process at the central, regional, district, and village levels. The passed laws laid down well-structured decentralized political and administrative structures and powers. 

Then, what went wrong? The core problem was due to the systematic disregard of the laws and orders issued or announced and the impunity for abuse of power, nepotism, and corruption. This kind of power exercise has cultivated the culture of saying whatever is right and doing whatever is illegal or morally wrong. Leaders at all levels competed to support every action that breaches the laws, procedures, and good common sense to satisfy power-holders. This culture has become national trait and strategy for advancement. 

The Provisional Constitution is not similar to the military revolutionary charters. It creates democratic system of governance with multiple institutions with checks and balance powers: political parties, parliament, free media, social organizations, civil society, and independent judiciary system. The important condition is to find Somali elite inside and outside the government ready to sacrifice for the application and respect of the rule of law at any level and with regard to everyone fairly and systematically. Federalism or any other system of governance in any part of Somalia cannot change the specter of centralism behavior unless the Somali people and elite dedicate serious time, resources, and thinking about the solution to this deep seated culture that fails the existence and survival of  a Somali state.

 Federalism without Reconciliation

Another astonishing myth is the claim that Somalis did not reconcile but agreed on constitutional federalism. Am I wrong to see this sequence as a fallacy?

The assertion that Somalis did not reconcile but agreed on federalism because the national government carries the name “federal government” is charade.  The definition of the basics of the federal system has been left to the national stakeholders represented in the federal parliament. The reason why Somalis could not agree on federalism is the incompatibility between federalism based on clan ownership/dominance and federalism based on citizenship and democratic values. Unfortunately, the international community deliberately obstructs the frank debate of this question among the Somali people.

What kind of distrust is in focus?

Another myth cited for the support of federalism is the deep distrust among Somalis.  But the question is what kind of distrust is in focus? Is the distrust between clans, between clans and state, between individuals, or between individuals and state?

The military regime collapsed when it failed to provide the basic security needs of the individual citizens.  Clan federalism cannot build the trust needed between citizens and state, between clans and state, or between clans or individuals. The Federal Provisional Constitution protects and defends the individual rights of citizens. Democracy is the agreed relationship for trust between State and individual citizens.

Twist in the Federalism based on 18 regions

The IRIN briefing didn’t look into the breach of article 49 (6) of the provisional constitution, which states that “based on voluntary decision, two or more regions may merge to form a federal member state.” This voluntary decision concept based on regions has been replaced by the concept of compulsive dominance of one clan and one person as sole power holder for the creation of each state.  Somalia has a cultural tradition that regulates interactions between clans (individual is clan member) but not between state and citizens. Constitutionally, clan is classified as an instrument for racism.

In 1969, Somalia had 8 administrative regions. Merger of the present 18 regions could reconfigure the 8 regions in line with the provisional constitution and study of an Independent Boundaries and Federation Commission.

Federalism is foreign initiative

The consensus is that the federalism in Somalia is a foreign initiative bent to abort national reconciliation and to institutionalize social fragmentation. The process for the formation of federal member states follows certain pattern: (1) an area is assigned to a certain sub clan; (2) an individual or small team is selected and supported politically, militarily, and financially by IGAD, AU, UN, and EU; (3) The individual or small team enjoy the full power to hold conferences and invite their kinfolks; (4) IGAD, AU, EU, UN attend ceremonies for legitimacy; (5) national (Federal) Government is either bystander or accomplice. Puntland, Khatumo, Jubbaland, and the new Conference in Baidoa share that pattern.

Conclusion

Again, the prospect for a Somali State remains gloomy because of Somalis being prone to foreign-allegiance rather than to intra Somali loyalty and compromise. For example, by pursuing secession, Somaliland remains dependent on Ethiopia which supports Khatumo and Puntland as roadblock for Somaliland’s ambition. Jubbaland is a buffer zone between Somalia and Kenya as well as a base to quell the Ogaden Liberation Front. Puntland plays the role of cooperating with Ethiopia and Kenya to challenge Somaliland and the federal Government.  

The Federal Government, Somaliland, Puntland, Jubbaland, Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama, have signed separate security agreements that allows Ethiopia security forces and other officials to freely operate in Somalia. By taking advantage of Somali leaders’ selfishness, Ethiopia has systematically erased all symbols of national sovereignty and independence of Somalia.

It is sad to admit that the process for making clan federalism in Somalia as fait accompli will continue because Ethiopia, Kenya, UN, and EU want it to happen. The priority of the African Union to qualify for a relevant regional organization for global security cooperation outweighed its principal responsibility to protect the unity, territorial integrity, sovereignty, dignity, and long term interests of the people of the worn-torn Somalia. Somalia divided in 1884 faces another historical tragic disposition in 2014.