UN Human Rights Council’s envoy praise somali Government on combating sexual violence

From: Mareeg

The Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia, Mr Bahame Nyanduga, concluded his first mission to the Federal Republic of Somalia today.

Mr Nyanduga, appointed by the UN Human Rights Council, is mandated to support the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) with capacity development and technical assistance in the field of human rights. 

During his visit the Independent Expert praised the Federal Government for the adoption of the National Action Plan to combat sexual violence. He also commended the Government for the gradual improvement in the political and security situation, the on-going Federal and State formation process, and the peace and stabilisation measures taken in the newly recovered territories, all of which are critical to the attainment of Vision 2016. 

Mr Nyanduga expressed concern at the capacity and resource constraints slowing progress in strengthening judicial institutions which has contributed to the pervasive role of military courts trying civilians. He also called on the Government to keep the commitment it made under the Universal Periodic Review to place a moratorium on the use of the death penalty. In this regard, he also urged the Federal Government to undertake urgent consultations with stakeholders aimed at the preparation and submission of its report in October 2015 in readiness for the Universal Periodic Review in 2016.

The Independent Expert said “The Federal Government together with the international community need to allocate adequate resources to strengthen the rule of law institutions and ensure that the interim regional administrations benefit from the New Deal Compact for Somalia. The Government should also ratify key international human rights instruments including the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its optional protocol on the involvement of children in armed conflict and the Convention to Eliminate all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).”

“I also call on the authorities to ensure that the media are allowed their right to freedom of expression as well as to ensure the safety of journalists. At the same time it is imperative for the media to exercise professionalism and responsible media reporting.” He added. 

The Independent Expert urged the Federal Government to ensure that it incorporates international human rights standards and principles when adopting legislation including the media bill and counter-terrorism bills. He also called for the speedy adoption of the bill establishing a national human rights institution. 

Mr Nyanduga visited Mogadishu, Kismayo, Garowe and Hargeisa during his eight day mission and held discussions with the FGS Minister for Women’s Affairs and Human Rights Development, the Attorney General and other senior officials from the Federal Government of Somalia; the Second Deputy Leader, Suldan Abdulkadir Ahmed (“Lugadhere”) and Ministers of the Interim Juba Administration, the President of Puntland, ministers and senior officials of both Puntland and Somaliland. 

The Independent Expert also held meetings with Nicholas Kay, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General (SRSG) and Head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM), officials from UN agencies, funds and programs operating in Somalia as well as international and national NGOs and the media. 

Mr Nyanduga expects to undertake a second visit to Somalia before he submits his report with recommendations to the UN Human Rights Council in September 2015 aimed at assisting the Government to fulfil its human rights obligations.

Mogadishu in Arabia.- Somali influence on arabic exile literature

By: Xavier Luffin

“People don’t know what it means to become an Arab at six years old,” writes Somali author Mohammad Ali Diriye on the back cover of his short story collection, Ila Karakas bila ‘awdah (One way to Caracas). Born in Somalia, Diriye went into exile at a young age, and studied in Saudi Arabia and Sudan — formative experiences in his literary career that have deeply influenced his contributions to contemporary Arabic fiction. 

Like other emerging Somali diaspora authors, Diriye deals with the familiar themes of war and exile, but from a new perspective. Unlike Arabic writers in Beirut or Baghdad, he uses the Arabic language to describe another civil war, on the other shore of the Red Sea. In his writing about about exile, which he describes as “the narrative of an Arab pirate,” the Arab world is no longer the point of departure but the destination.

In La‘nat al-janub (“The Curse of the South”), a short story I recently translated into English, a man leaves his homeland — Somalia is not explicitly named — and starts a new life in Saudi Arabia. The man tries to forget everything in relation with the land of his ancestors, but at the end of the day, his efforts prove futile: remnants of Somalia persist in his mind, against his will. Despite the fact that Diriye doesn’t directly mention Somalia or the civil war in the story, they still linger all over the text. Indeed, their very omission evokes a traumatic lapse in memory.

The relationship to exile is expressed not only geographically but linguistically as well. “The Curse of the South” makes two references to the Arabic language. The first one deals with the dialectal variation observed by the narrator traveling inside the Arabian Peninsula: “When he passed Najran and arrived at the Saudi territory, he was bothered by the revolt of the letters just over the border. The pure q south of the border had become an ugly g in the North. He was afraid that all the other letters of the Arabic alphabet would change along the road to the North.” The narrator feels uncomfortable with this change; he seems to lose his landmarks once again. 

He has learned and adopted Arabic, while trying at the same time to forget his mother tongue, but now he discovers that his new language may adopt other forms. It is as if his quest for balance never ends. At the end of the text, the same character suffers a fever contracted in his homeland, and the mother tongue that he had tried in vain to forget overrides Arabic: “the delirium didn’t expose him to the others, because he was raving in his mother tongue, which has nothing to do with Arabic, except for the names.” The language, taken here as a metaphor for the homeland, reminds us that one can never deny or erase his roots.

For decades, civil war and migration have been addressed in Arabic literature by many talented novelists from countries such as Egypt, Morocco, Lebanon, and Iraq. It is only recently, however, that Somali writers have started producing major works of fiction in Arabic.

These authors introduce uniquely Somali perspectives to an Arab readership, including in their texts words, sentences and even songs quoted in Somali, along with tackling issues that are not often discussed in the Arab world. Up until 2010, Maxamed Daahir Afrax’s 1976 novel, Nida’ al-hurriyyah (The Call of Freedom) was the only printed work of Arabic fiction by a Somali author. In Beirut in 2011, Diriye published One way to Caracas, and in 2013 he won the sixth Sharjah Literary Prize for an upcoming novel. Another Somali author, Zuhra Mursal, published Amirah ma‘a iqaf al-tanfidh (A Princess with the Stay of Execution) in Cairo in 2012. In addition, dozens of other Somali writers have published Arabic short stories, poems, and book chapters about exile online, on communal websites like Somali Future and al-Shahid.

These writers have a native fluency in Arabic and a deep knowledge of Arabic literary culture, but at the same time their literature maintains an intimate connection to their Somali roots. Most of them belong to the Somali diaspora in the Arabian Peninsula, as well as in other countries like Egypt or Syria, where they were educated and were often born. The emergence of this literature coincides with the rise of a generation of young Somalis who were forced to leave their homeland as a consequence of the civil war which broke out in 1991 and the socio-economic chaos it engendered. Their texts are set in Somalia and other African countries, as well as in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and Syria. In this sense, they can be compared to Western authors of Arab, African, or Asian descent writing in English, French, and other European languages, like Khalil Gibran, Diana Abu-Jaber, or Maaza Mengiste in the United States. These writers are united in that their homeland fuels their inspiration even as they tackle new issues related to their experience in exile. But for the Somali authors, the Arab world is a new destination rather than a departed homeland, and Arabic is not only a means of expression but a topic to be tackled.

Diriye and other Somali authors enrich Arabic exile literature, breathing Arabic literary references and standards into a Somalian context and widening the limits of Arabic literature. While Diriye calls himself a pirate, he’s actually more like a trader, facilitating a rich exchange across location, language, and culture.

From: Baraza

Human Rights Center condemns the arrest of journalists in Gabiley

From: HRC

 

Two journalists were arrested in Gabiley, about 50 KM west of Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland. Mukhtar Nouh Ibrahim of Horn Cable TV was arrested on 30^th October 2014 and Mohamed Hassan Sh Mohamoud of SOMSAT TV was arrested on 31^st October. The journalists were arrested after they reported public protest against the ruling party. The protest was held by residents of Gabiley.

 

 Human Rights Center (HRC) condemns the arrest of the journalists in the strongest possible terms. The authorities shall immediately release the two journalists.

 

Every citizen has the freedom to express his opinions orally, visually, artistically or in writing or in any other way as stipulated in article 32 of Somaliland constitution. Suppression of the media is prohibited by the constitution.

 

“The journalists were arrested while they were doing their own work. They have done nothing wrong”, says Guleid Ahmed Jama, chairperson of Human Rights Centre. The action of the authorities violates the constitution and the international human rights instruments, adds Guleid.

 

 It is the responsibility of the authorities to respect the constitution. Freedom of expression is one of the fundamental rights enshrined in the constitution.

 

“This is not isolated case. Four newspapers, Haatuf, Hubaal, Somaliland Times and The Independent, were already banned by the government of Somaliland”, says Guleid, HRC chairperson.

 

HRC is concerned the continual crack down of the independent media. HRC calls on the government to release the journalists and to lift the ban of the newspapers.

 

Somali women, girls at risk of gender-based violence

From: Sabahi

Somali women and girls continue to be at high risk for gender-based violence (GBV), with more than 1,000 cases reported in Mogadishu during the first half of 2014, Somalia's RBC reported Sunday (October 26th).

 

According to the Somalia Gender Based Violence Working Group, a subsidiary of the UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the true number of GBV incidents is likely much higher due to a lack of reporting.

 

Survivors often choose not to inform security agencies, fearing reprisal by perpetrators and social stigma, the group said. Most reported incidents were rape followed by physical violence, with women and girls from displaced communities making up a majority of the survivors, it said.

 

Aid workers have been able to provide psychosocial support to 22,000 GBV survivors since the beginning of 2014, but prevention programmes and medical, psychosocial and legal response services remain under-resourced, the group said.

 

The Somali Ministry of Women and Human Rights held a training on gender-based violence in July, during which Deputy Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission in Somalia Lydia Wanyoto-Mutende said empowering women would contribute to the peace-building process in the country.

Forced returns to south and central Somalia; A blatant violation of international law

 From: Amnesty

Amnesty International considers that forced returns to south and central Somalia amount to a violation of international law. Amnesty International is seriously concerned about continued attempts by the Dutch government to effect such forced returns.

The Dutch government’s position is that, under certain circumstances, Somalis can be returned to areas under the control of al-Shabaab, an Islamist armed group with links to Al-Qaeda. Amnesty International considers it dangerous, irresponsible and in violation of international law to attempt to return, or compel Somalis to return, to areas under al-Shabaab control. 

The Netherlands’ repeated attempts to argue for the forcible return of Somalis to areas controlled by the Islamist armed group al-Shabaab exposes them to grave risks of human rights abuses and would be a blatant violation of international law, Amnesty International said in a new briefing published today. 

The Dutch government has insisted that Somalis can be forcibly sent to the most perilous areas of the country, including those where al-Shabaab is responsible for unlawful killings, torture and ill-treatment.

“For some Somalis, being returned to al-Shabaab-controlled areas is akin to being handed a death sentence,” said L. Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for Eastern Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes. 

“By sending Somalis to volatile areas where their lives are in danger, the Dutch government is also responsible for the human rights abuses they face on their return.” 

International law requires that states do not return people to areas where their lives or freedoms are at real risk, such as certain situations of armed conflict. 

Amnesty International has called on other governments including Denmark, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Norway and Saudi Arabia to end their policy of returning Somalis to south and central Somalia.

The briefing Forced returns to south and central Somalia, including to Al-Shabaab areas: a blatant violation of international law highlights the grave risks faced by civilians in Somalia.

Amnesty International has received numerous reports of Somalis being accused of spying by armed groups, leading in many cases to retribution - including killings. Many Somalis fear returning to areas not only controlled by al-Shabaab, but also to areas where the armed group has a presence, including Mogadishu.

The briefing includes testimonies of human rights violations people have faced upon return, such as Fartuun, 25, whose uncle was killed in August 2013 shortly after returning from Yemen. 

“He was captured the day he returned home. Al-Shabaab soldiers took him away and held him captive. After five days, they brought him in front of the stadium and beheaded him in front of people. After, they left him outside with his head on his stomach. He was there for one week,” Fartuun told Amnesty International.

In Mogadishu and other areas of south and central Somalia, people continue to be killed and wounded in crossfire during armed clashes and by suicide attacks, grenade attacks and by improvised explosive devices (IEDs). Ongoing military operations throughout 2014 have led to an increase in violence against civilians.  

In November 2013, the Netherlands flouted international law and forcibly returned 26-year-old Ahmed Said, who had left Somalia more than 20 years earlier, to Mogadishu - a city he said he had never visited. 

Three days later he was wounded along with numerous others in a suicide attack that killed at least six people. 

“All countries have a responsibility to protect people who are at risk of serious human rights abuses if returned to their countries, rather than sending them back into the lion’s den,” Wanyeki said.

“Not only is it dangerous and irresponsible to put people’s lives at risk in this way, but states are in flagrant violation of their obligations when they do.”

The Netherlands recently scheduled a meeting of its Parliament and Migration Minister to discuss its policy of returning failed asylum seekers to areas under al-Shabaab control.

In May 2014, the United Nations Secretary-General urged all countries providing refuge to Somalis fleeing conflict to comply with their obligations under international law and not to return them forcibly to Somalia, where their lives could be at risk.

Novelist Nuruddin Farah: Facing A Blank Page Is 'Bravest Thing' A Writer Does

Nuruddin Farah's novel Hiding in Plain Sight centers around Bella, a Somali living in Rome, who has become a famed fashion photographer. Her beloved half-brother Aar, a UN official, is murdered by extremists in Mogadishu and leaves behind two teenagers who are Bella's niece and nephew.

Bella's a globetrotter, with tightly scheduled lovers and global obligations, but she feels drawn into their lives despite the opposition of Valerie — the mother who gave birth to the youngsters but left the family and doesn't know them.
Farah, a Somali-born author of 11 previous novels, talks with NPR's Scott Simon about his homeland and his biggest challenge as a writer.



On parallels between the novel and his own life

It feels almost everything that happens in Somalia is either part of my life directly or indirectly. ... What happened in this particular case is that I had done the first draft of a novel — submitted it to my publishers — when something very similar to what happened to the character Aar happened to my sister: [she was] killed in Afghanistan in a Kabul restaurant on January 19, 2014.

On the challenges of writing and loss

I go to Somalia a great deal, perhaps, in part, to feed my imagination and also to be in touch with the experiences that other Somalis go through on a daily basis. But, in terms of writing as a writer, there's always a daily challenge when one goes into one's studio to write. And the bravest thing, I think, for a writer is to face an empty page. Almost everything else is less challenging until it comes to ... someone close to you — as close as Basra was to me — fall[ing] a victim to terrorism.

On writing about Bella's photography

I actually have very little understanding of how photography works — or had very little understanding. But I had to train myself and I had to read lots and lots of books. And then, after that, had to train myself, buy a camera, and go digital/analog and do all these things.

 On the power dynamic between a photographer and his or her subject

Just as there is a power structure between the novelist and the subject the novelist is writing about — it's the novelist who decides who gets the power of speech. So, whoever puts their finger on the button that ultimately decides what happens with the camera is the one who has the power.

And anyone sitting outside of that power zone is turned into a subject. So, I could see parallel between the novelist's writing, and therefore, deciding, ultimately, the destiny of his or her characters — in the same way that the photographer decides what position to take, what light to use.

On whether he could live in Somalia 

Mogadishu has stopped being a cosmopolitan city; it was a cosmopolitan city many years ago — one of the most celebrated cosmopolitan cities. I can imagine living in Somalia, but Somalia has to change. I have changed and therefore Somalia must change. 

And that would be the case if: one, there was peace. Two, if I could live anonymously — which is not possible all the time, but it could be. And then, [three], if there are book shops and cultural stuff that one can do and get involved in. There is no such thing now. Civil war dominates everything in one's everyday life in Somalia, which is quite tragic.

From: NPR

Calabrian prize honours Somali human rights activist

From: Italianinsider

COSENZA – “From culture comes the inspiration to pursue freedom,” said judge Marinella Rocca, as she congratulated prize-winner Dr Hawa Abdi at the 8^th annual Mediterranean Culture Prize hosted by the Carical Foundation.

The magnificent prize ceremony held at the Rendano Theatre in the heart of the historic centre of Cosenza celebrates culture across eight categories. This year’s prize highlighted outstanding work across the Mediterranean with winners from Somalia, Croatia and Spain, and also emphasised Calabrian and Italian contributions to the region. 

Local-born winner Vincenzo Linarello has been an ambassador for Calabria worldwide for many years in his work to help the unemployed in the region to find jobs in reinvigorating traditional Calabrian industries. Accepting his prize, he said “In Calabria we need to be proud of our roots, we have one of the richest cultures of all Italy.”
Organisers involved local young people in the awards by asking high school classes to judge the Youth Literature Prize, which was awarded to debut novelist Daniele Bresciani for “Ti volevo dire” (“I wanted to tell you”). 

He spoke of the importance of having faith in the younger generation in his acceptance speech. Representatives from the nine high school classes appeared on stage to speak of the difficulties they had in choosing a winner, and to congratulate Mr Bresciani.
For the main Literature prize, Spanish author Clara Usón won for her historical fiction novel “The Daughter.”

Croatian translator Mladen Machiedo was honoured for his work in bringing Italian literature to a wider audience through his translations. The judges acknowledged the vital nature of this work given the fact that Italian is not an international trade language, and therefore it is more difficult to ensure that the country’s culture is diffused. 

A recurrent theme across the evening was good and evil, and in particular the choices that we face between them. Winner of the information prize, La Stampa journalist Domenico Quirico, was kidnapped in Syria and held hostage for five months in 2013. In his speech, he spoke of the absolute lack of choice for people in war zones. He said, “In these places people do evil things in order to not be killed, there, everyday life is suffering and pain.”

Meanwhile the winner of the Human Sciences prize, Spanish philosopher Fernando Sarater, reflected on what it means to live and make choices in the Western world, he quoted Sartre, “Man is condemned to be free, because once thrown into the world, he is responsible for everything he does.”

The undisputed guest of honour was Somali human rights activist Dr Hawa Abdi, whose small women’s health clinic swelled to a 400-bed hospital. With the arrival of war, the land surrounding the hospital eventually became one of the largest refugee camps in the country.

An extract was read from Dr Abdi’s memoir “Keeping Hope Alive” in which she bravely talked down a band of militants who attempted to take control of the camp. When asked what significance international recognition had for her, Dr Abdi replied in Italian, “It gives me the strength to carry on my work.”

Somali-Kenyan lawyer says his life is in danger

From: Somalicurrent

Controversial Kenyan Somali lawyer Ahmednasir Abdullahi wants the police to investigate an advocate he claimed threatened him on social media. Senior counsel said that alleged warning posted on Facebook by Mr Donald Kipkorir amounts to threats to kill and police should conduct an investigation.

Mr Abdullahi on Thursday recorded a statement with the Kenyan criminal investigations officers saying that his life was threatened following the Facebook post. On Wednesday night, Mr Kipkorir allegedly posted on his Facebook page what appeared to be a warning to his colleague, saying that the latter had handled some cases about people from different parts of the country. Mr Kipkorir allegedly insinuated that he was the only bold person to tell Mr Abdullahi the truth, warning: “Don’t say I didn’t warn you…..Fare thee well friend.”
Mr Abdullahi went to the CID headquarters accompanied by colleague lawyer Paul Muite.

The Law Society of Kenya chairman whom Mr. Abdinassir served as a chairman before said that they would handle the matter but Mr Abdullahi dismissed the attempt saying that was purely the work of the police.
“You do not mediate threats to kill or murder,” Mr Abdullahi said. Lawyer Abdullahi who is a columnist at one of the dailies in the country (Daily Nation) has criticized the government crackdown against the ethnic Somalis and the extrajudicial killings of Muslim clerics in the coastal city of Mombasa.

Reacting on his twitter account page on deputy president comment on holding terror suspects in jail lawyer Abdullahi said “ Ruto should not tell the courts what to do on terrorists,” adding that the deputy president himself is on bond from the ICC for 2007/2008 post poll chaos.

Somalia: State-building under Attack

From: Somalicurrent

Despite the troubling silence of African, Islamic, and Western leaders about the Kenya government’s brutal human rights violations against the Somali community in Kenya for their ethnic background and about its unlawful military and diplomatic actions in Jubba regions of Somalia, a glimmer of hope emerged in April when two Nordic diplomats renewed a focus on peace building and state-building in Somalia. Donor Powers have been challenged to end the indirect rule, occupation, and containment, and seriously support state-building in Somalia. 

Continuation of current transgressive interactions between neighboring and other foreign countries and Somali clan enclave and city presidents and mayors flouts Somalia’s sovereignty, independence, and unity and undermines state-building objective central to Somalia’s peaceful existence and prosperity.

H. E. Pekka Havvisto, Minister of International Development of Finland and Co-chairperson of the Forum for International Dialogue on Peacebuilding and State-building (IDPS) and Jens Mjaugedal, Special Envoy of Norway for Somalia have called on donor powers to effectively honor their commitments for state-building in Somalia as mandated by UN Security Council. Immediately, in dissension, Ken Menkhaus, professor of political science at Davidson College in North Carolina, USA, specialist on Horn of Africa and an affiliate of Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala, Sweden, came out forcefully against the wisdom and viability of state-building in Somalia. Thus, the glimmer of hope for state-building is under attack.

On April 10, at a roundtable discussion on peacebuilding and state-building in the Horn of Africa held at Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, D.C., Pekka Havvisto has articulated the critical need to implement the goals and principles of the New Deal for Engagement in Conflict Affected and Fragile States agreed upon in Busan, Republic of Korea, in 2011. 

The five goals of the New Deal for state-building , namely political legitimacy and inclusivity, people’s security, system of justice, economic foundations, revenue and fair delivery services, have been developed through collaborative consultations between international donors, g7+ (19 conflict affected and fragile states), the international Network on Conflict and Fragility (INCAF) and Civil Society Secretariats under the leadership of IDPS Forum. Furthermore, the New Deal incorporates the five principles for Aid Effectiveness: ownership, alignment, harmonization, results, and mutual accountability on the basis of normative relations between donors and recipients.

Minister Pekka reiterated the fundamental principles of the New Deal which require countries and citizens of g7+ to take the lead and have ownership of the process of state-building and adopt a social contract (constitution) which binds the citizens and State. This ownership should be manifestly respected and supported by donor powers.

Particularly for Somalia where the foundations of governance are compledly missing, Minister Pekka contended that the constitution making process, the strong interests of neighboring countries in Somalia and the international community’s limited interest in security did undercut the takeoff of the New Deal. To preempt any possible question over the primacy between informal and formal institutions, he asserted that both institutions exist side by side in the Horn of Africa countries. In summary, his message was to promote the understanding and adoption of the New Deal for fragile states.

On April 17, in conversation with Peter Fabricious, foreign editor of Independent Newspapers in South Africa, Norway Special Envoy for Somalia Jens Mjaugedal repeated the views expressed by the Minister of Finland. He was particularly disturbed by how donor powers were far from grasping the reality of Somalia and wasting precious time in discussing issues peripheral to state-building in a warzone. He unambiguously suggested that donor powers need to conduct internal triage before they embark on state-building. He pointed out that the funding of UN programs is not contributing to the vital overall aim of establishing the capacity, credibility, and relevance of the Somali government.

For example, he cited that the Somali government is unable to pay salaries to eight thousand civil servants because donor powers did not disburse one dollar out of the $2.3 billion pledged at Brussels Conference in September 2013. It is also hard not to despair in the face of the level of suffering subjected to the Somali National Army who carries the burden of the war against Al Shabab. Somali Soldiers do not get the one twelfth (1/12) of the stipend regularly paid to each AMISOM soldier. At the same time they are deprived of basic care even in case of casualty.

Jens Mjaugedal did not advocate the release of large sum or Marshall Plan. He appealed for the release of less than 5 % of $ 2.3 billion. The three-year new deal pledge is far less than a two year Capital Appeal Process (CAP) budgets used to be managed exclusively by International Aid Agencies as caretaker government for Somalia in the past 20 years.

Jens Mjaugedal stated that “Somalia is the one of the most privatized countries in the world,” which means Somalia is without State authority. Similarly, Professor Michael J Boyle said that Somalia’s conflict has been globalized. Thus, state-building in Somalia is an urgent matter for the purpose of international peace and security. History will remember the Nordic diplomats for their bold actions of bringing the true reality of Somalia to the attention of everyone. Somali leaders failed to reflect and act upon the reality of their people and country.

With regard to the endemic corruption labelled against Somali leaders, the source is from the anti-state-building strategy pursued by powerful foreign actors involved in the internal politics of Somalia. Today, majority of the Somali people believe that they lost control, ownership, and freedom of determining their own future to outside forces. This feeling could produce disastrous backlash for all.

Before presenting and commenting the dissenting argument of Professor Ken Menkhaus, I like to mention below three instructive points the General Secretary of the g7+, Helder da Costa, made in a letter published in the guardian newspaper in April 2014 under the title “New Deal for fragile states needs time and political commitment to flourish.”

• The New Deal demands fundamental changes in the modus operandi of donor powers and the way they work in fragile countries. It details principles, commitments, and actions. The practice of risky taking, speedy actions, flexibility, persistence, and creativity are proviso in it.
• The “better angels” working in the development agencies know the positive effects of the New Deal, but they remain stuck to their institutional culture stubbornly resistant to changes;
• Genuine state-building demands great investment of time, resources and political will.

On 29 April, Professor Ken Menkhaus published his dissenting policy note probably intended to delight the US Administration concerned with security and not with state-building. The Media briefing of May 3 on Secretary of State John Kerry meeting with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud of Somalia in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, indicates US Administration’s ambiguity on state-building in Somalia. While US Administration accorded diplomatic recognition to the federal government of Somalia, it also allowed regional actors to dishevel Somalia and undermine state-building goals. This could fuel new political and social tensions if not conflicts.

The title of the dissenting policy note is “If Mayors ruled Somalia-Beyond state-building impasse” which first reinterprets and then dismisses the views expressed by the two Nordic diplomats. Professor Ken Menkhaus’ attempt seems to be part of a larger effort to kill the agenda of the new deal after the crisis and abysmal performance of Somalia, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Unfortunately, Somalia – the classic example of failed states- has also become quickly an example for state-building failure.

Consistently, Professor Ken has been arguing against the restoration of the Somali State that collapsed in January 1991 on the basis of his selective, embellished, and recycled narratives not subjected to rigorous academic and empirical research and analysis. He confidently predicts that “with or without the $2.3 billion in new deal assistance, Somalia’s government will remain weak and fragile for years to come.” His intense pursue of promoting “hybrid governance in Somalia” is shaped by his following findings against the South Central Somalia:

• Somali political elites in Mogadishu embraced state-building as a lucrative project, but not as an objective. In addition, Somali leaders lack not only capacity but political will as well.
• The culture of corruption and deep rooted problems of spoilers among the political and business elites in Mogadishu is endemic.
• The serious problem of insecurity and access in South Central Somalia makes the principles of inclusivity and local ownership out of reach by government;
• The legitimacy weakness of any government due to the intensity of divisions over representation, clan, political Islam, and federalism insurmountable;
• The realization of social contract between state and citizens in South Central Somalia is unrealistic in the short term (in generation);
• To find a solution to “Somalia’s wicked problem” remains almost impossible. Therefore, Somalis and foreign donors have to accept flawed, contested municipality governments of dubious legitimacy.

On August 8, 2012, few days after the approval of the provisional constitution which ended the transition period and established a permanent government, Professor Ken Menkhaus published a paper titled, “Somalia’s 20-Year Experiment in Hybrid Governance,” in which he argued that Somali State cannot be reconstituted in the foreseeable future and then, he listed the arguments of four schools of thought about the relevance of informal governance system (hybrid governance) in Somalia. As one of the multiple synonymous terms of the concept of “hybrid governance,” he settled on “Municipality governance (city-state)” ruled by Mayors. It is not clear if the concepts of secession and separation of communities are integral part of hybrid governance which considers the discussion of national constitution premature subject.

The description associated with municipality governances as location for multiple clans, best governance for law and order, or basic service delivery defies reality, economics, demography, legitimacy, security, and politics and is far from empirical truths. Also, the claim that accountability is stronger in most municipalities for proximity to citizens is also demonstrably weak.

However, it is possible that under certain circumstances cities and towns are less encumbered by clan disputes simply because one sub sub clan dominates in each city. But it is hard to see how external assistance denied to a national government could be channeled to municipal administrations given the rules governing foreign aid, and how INGOs assistance will improve the livelihood of war devastated and fragmented country.

It is academically dishonest to argue that donor powers have ever seriously attempted to peacebuilding and state-building in Somalia. In fact, Dr. Michael J. Boyle noted that “Somalia has played the part-both in political practice and political myth- of a testing ground in which states play out their fantasies out of political order. The consequence is that Somalia, as a real place with real people, has rarely been seen on its own terms.” Therefore, the foreign driven political initiatives in the last 12 years were far more lucrative projects to donor agencies and their bureaucrats compare to Somali Elites.

Following a workshop organized by the London School of Economics and Political Science in collaboration with the University of Antwerp on Hybrid Governance, Professors Kate Meagher, Tom De Herdt, and Kristof Titeca have published a briefing article titled, “ Hybrid governance in Africa: Buzzword or paradigm shift?,” in the African Argument website. The article presents long list of yet to be answered questions about this new concept sold as “practical and legitimate governance that works.” 

The questions include the role of academics as promoters or investigators of the new concept, or the powers that create the hybrid governance when good governance norms have been disregarded, or if hybrid governance enhances the performance and legitimacy of the state or erodes them. The professors cautioned against the assumption that all informal institutions are locally legitimate by definition as a misreading of local realities.

Another unanswered question is how hybrid governance deals with public accountability and citizenship rights. The participants of the workshop noted the growing evidence that hybrid governance does not always represent good synergistic arrangement between weak (fragile) states and local institutions. The scholars who attended the workshop advised the academics promoting hybrid governance to exercise prudence so that they do not get their hand deep in the dirty. 

The consensus on addressing the problems of fragile states is well spelled out in the New Deal partnership for effective international development cooperation between donor powers and fragile states.

By: Mohamed M. Uluso

Somali Journalists illegally detained and refused legal representation by Kenyan Police

From: Mareeg

We call on the Kenyan police to immediately and unconditionally release Mahad Omar Diriye secretary General of (JIJA) a local journalist organization and a freelance to IRINnews, and formerly Somaliareport.com and Hassan Sheikh Omar who was the news anchor of Horn Cable TV and a vibrant figure among exiled journalists in Kenya. They are among several journalists who were the victims of recent police arrests in Nairobi. Our colleagues are notably among hundreds of Somali journalists in search of security.  

Hassan was detained on 25/04/2014 and Mahad a day before after security agents involving a search in the Somali neighborhood Eastliegh picked them up. According to their relatives, the two presented their press cards and UNHCR identification documents to the police but they were denied and arrested. Both were held in separate operations—without charges or access to a lawyer.

The illegal detention and denying them access to a lawyer and freedom is an infringement of their fundamental human rights while these journalists were forced to leave their country after they were threatened or fatally escaped death in Somalia. Said Mohamed Garane himself a former exiled journalist himself.

We are concerned about Mahad’s health condition. He has been diagnosed with symptoms of serious stomach ulcers and referred to specialized medical care the day before he was detained by the police. The journalists are being held in a cell in Nairobi with more than hundreds of inmates.

We know that some of the arrested colleagues’ equipment were confiscated including mobile telephones, cameras and laptops. A large number of other Somali journalists in Kenya are in hiding and can be the next target of this ongoing swoop by the Kenyan Police.

We the Somali journalists worldwide are dedicated to supporting our colleagues, we call on you to use the mandate of your office to help us fight for the fundamental human rights of these journalists to ensure the two are not deported to Somalia because we believe if they are deported back to Somalia or pushed back to the refugees, that will surely be the end of their lives.

With no peace in our country, and being the deadliest country in Africa for journalists with murders, physical attacks, arrests and kidnappings – life is a nightmare for the few journalists working in Somalia. Those of us the qualified journalists who fled to Europe, Austria and the United States enjoy fundamental democratic and human rights values. 

But there are still hundreds of others who remain in fragile situations like Kenya and have no means to raise their voices democratically to protest against what is happening to them. So i represent these journalists and can be reached for interviews on their conditions or any sort of help to release them on 0032485831089 or by mailmgarane@gmail.com

Food aid intended for vulnerable civilians embezzled by corrupt government officials

From: Somalicurrent

“There are Officials who have embezzled the food aid relief sent to the needy people in regions of Somalia.” Said Minister of Interior and Federal Affairs Abdilahi Godah this while he was briefing Somali Federal Government parliament on today.

Minister Godah stated that government halted the food relief aids to the regions and districts of Somalia, after they have confirmed that recipients of heads of district administrations have embezzled and didn’t provide the food aid to the needy people in the districts and regions of Somalia.

 “We have delivered food emergency aids, after we have recognized that people in Bakool and Bay crucially need for help, but much of the food emergency aids have been wasted on the recipient government officials, then we transferred food aids to settlements in Lower shabelle.” Said Godah.

Somali man hailing from the Ogaden province endure torture and abuse in Hargeisa

From: waabarinews

A 23-year-old young man was apprehended in South Hargeisa district of Jama wayne in April 26,2014 after allegedly accused of being a member of Ogaden National Liberation Front or ONLF sympathizer by the security of Somaliland Administration. The young man, Mohammed Sheik Ahmed aka Mo’alin Biliq was on two weeks visit on his mother’s uncle who hails from that area.

“They (the Security police) started beating him with clubs. When he fell down and the people in the area congregated, the security officer leading the assailants shouted that this man was a terrorist from the Ogaden and started throwing stones at him”, said Mr.Ahmed’s family,who declined to be named for their security concerns.

The crowd took a cue from his action and soon a crowd of about fifty people started stoning the victim. Mr. Ahmed endured hours of beating before he became unconscious.

“After he was mutilated and became unconscious, the security threw him on the Toyota pick up and took him to an unknown destination. Mr M. Ahmed was visiting his uncle on his mother’s side who hail from that area”,added his family.

The fate of the victim left unknown whether he died, extradited to Ethiopia as usual or in a jail only the Somaliland Police could confirm,According to Ahmed’s family. Somaliland shares Somalis from Ogaden region, like any other Somali speaking inhabitants,language,culture,ethnicity, religion and even border,but favored Ethiopia over Ogadenis and has been repeatedly handing over Somalis From Ogaden region to Ethiopian Security forces over the past 10 years,that have been detained, tortured,executed in this way or coerced into confessing or naming family members accused of supporting the Liberation movement, The Ogaden National Liberation Front,who were in return arrested,tortured and killed.

“This is an inhumane act that is against Somali culture, Muslim values and international human rights. The Somaliland administration, which touts itself in front of the international community as a viable state that respects the rule of law and respects the rights of civilians is continually violating the rights of Somali people from the Ogaden,who share with the people in that area blood ties, common religion, culture and economy in deference to the Ethiopian criminal regime, which has instructed the warlords in Somalia to hand over to Ethiopia all that hail from the Ogaden clan to Ethiopia,” said Amina Abdi,the Secretary of Justice for Ogaden.

“The Somaliland administration are reguested without much response up-to now to give medical treatment and release him urgently. Moreover, the continuing violations of the Human Rights of Ogaden in Somaliland continues and may create dire consequences between the two communities, which share long border and economic ties, unless the wayward administration takes effective action to remedy the situation”,said Ms. Abdi

South african Thugs Gun down Somali Businessman in South Africa

From: Somalicurrent

Unidentified South African thugs have deliberately gunned down Somali shopkeeper in Port Elizabeth city in South Africa on Sunday night, as assassinations and Xenophobia on Somali immigrants have been excessively increasing in South Africa which is believed that more than a thousand Somali people to have been killed in South Africa since 2002. 

South African thugs have shot Jeele Mohamed Jeele several times to death, and they have taken all his wealth in the shop and other essential materials, according to one of his family members who spoke to the media. 

He also added that the South Africa thugs have run away from the place that they have gunned down late Jeele and that police members have come to the crime scene where they have started the investigation. “We are shocked by the brutal slaying of the Somali trader by the thugs who have shot several times to death. Always it repeatedly happens to kill and shoot Somali traders in this country. 

Police told us that they start investigations, but never exposed acceptable and convenient results from their investigations,” Said family member of late Jeele. Shootings, assassinations and wave of xenophobia towards Somali Migrants and particularly businessmen have been unprecedentedly increasing for the last 2 decades in the former apartheid nation. Many of those people were stoned to death in South Africa by armed bandits. 

By:  Mohamoud Godah